Talking of scientific history of charles'Darwin's

Evolution By Natural Selection: The London Years, 1836–42

With his voyage over and with a £400 annual allowance from his father, Darwin now settled down among the urban gentry as a gentleman geologist. He befriended Lyell, and he discussed the rising Chilean coastline as a new fellow of the Geological Society in January 1837 (he was secretary of the society by 1838). Darwin became well known through his diary’s publication as Journal of Researches into the Geology and Natural History of the Various Countries Visited by H.M.S. Beagle (1839). With a £1,000 Treasury grant, obtained through the Cambridge network, he employed the best experts and published their descriptions of his specimens in his Zoology of the Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle (1838–43). Darwin’s star had risen, and he was now lionized in London.

Charles Darwin

Charles Darwin, watercolour, late 1830s.

Photos.com/Thinkstock

It was in those years of civil unrest following the First Reform Act (1832) that Darwin devised his theory of evolution. Radical nonconformists were denouncing the church’s monopoly on power—attacking an Anglican status quo that rested on miraculous props: the supposed supernatural creation of life and society. Darwin had Unitarian roots, and his breathless notes show how his radical Dissenting understanding of equality and antislavery framed his image of mankind’s place in nature: “Animals—whom we have made our slaves we do not like to consider our equals.—Do not slave holders wish to make the black man other kind?” Some radicals questioned whether each animal was uniquely “designed” by God when all vertebrates shared a similar structural plan. The polymathic Charles Babbage—of calculating machine fame—made God a divine programmer, preordaining life by means of natural law rather than ad hoc miracle. It was the ultra-Whig way, and in 1837 Darwin, an impeccable Whig reformer who enjoyed Babbage’s soirees, likewise accepted that “the Creator creates by…laws.”

The experts’ findings sent Darwin to more-heretical depths. At the Royal College of Surgeons, the eminent anatomist Richard Owen found that Darwin’s Uruguay River skull belonged to Toxodon, a hippopotamus-sized antecedent of the South American capybara. The Pampas fossils were nothing like rhinoceroses and mastodons; they were huge extinct armadillos, anteaters, and sloths, which suggested that South American mammals had been replaced by their own kind according to some unknown “law of succession.” At the Zoological Society, ornithologist John Gould announced that the Galapagos birds were not a mixture of wrens, finches, and “gross-beaks” but were all ground finches, differently adapted. When Gould diagnosed the Galapagos mockingbirds as three species, unique to different islands, in March 1837, Darwin examined Fitzroy’s collection to discover that each island had its representative finch as well. But how had they all diverged from mainland colonists? By that time Darwin was living near his freethinking brother, Erasmus, in London’s West End, and their dissident dining circle, which included the Unitarian Harriet Martineau, provided the perfect milieu for Darwin’s ruminations. Darwin adopted “transmutation” (evolution, as it is now called), perhaps because of his familiarity with it through the work of his grandfather and Robert Grant. Nonetheless, it was abominated by the Cambridge clerics as a bestial, if not blasphemous, heresy that would corrupt mankind and destroy the spiritual safeguards of the social order. Thus began Darwin’s double life, which would last for two decades.

adaptive radiation in Galapagos finches

Fourteen species of Galapagos finches that evolved from a common ancestor. The different shapes of their bills, suited to different diets and habitats, show the process of adaptive radiation.

For two years he filled notebooks with jottings. There was an intensity and doggedness to it. He searched for the causes of extinction, accepted life as a branching tree (not a series of escalators, the old idea), tackled island isolation, and wondered whether variations appeared gradually or at a stroke. He dismissed a Lamarckian force driving life inexorably upward with the cavalier joke, “If all men were dead then monkeys make men.—Men make angels,” which showed how little the failed ordinand shared his Cambridge mentors’ hysteria about an ape ancestry. Indeed, there was no “upward”: he became relativistic, sensing that life was spreading outward into niches, not standing on a ladder. There was no way of ranking humans and bees, no yardstick of “highness”: man was no longer the crown of creation.

Heart palpitations and stomach problems were affecting him by September 1837. Stress sent him to the Highlands of Scotland in 1838, where he diverted himself studying the “parallel roads” of Glen Roy, so like the raised beaches in Chile. But the sickness returned as he continued chipping at the scientific bedrock of a cleric-dominated society. The “whole [miraculous] fabric totters & falls,” he jotted. Darwin had a right to be worried. Were his secret discovered, he would stand accused of social abandon. At Edinburgh he had seen censorship; other materialists were being publicly disgraced. His notes began mooting disarming ploys: “Mention persecution of early astronomers.” Behind his respectable facade at the Geological Society lay a new contempt for the divines’ providential shortsightedness. The president, the Reverend William Whewell, “says length of days adapted to duration of sleep of man.!!!” he jotted. What “arrogance!!”

Mankind: there was the crux. Darwin wrote humans and society into the evolutionary equation from the start. He saw the social instincts of troop animals developing into morality and studied the humanlike behaviour of orangutans at the zoo. With avant-garde society radicalized, Darwin moved into his own ultraradical phase in 1838—even suggesting that belief in God was an ingrained tribal survival strategy: “love of [the] deity [is an] effect of [the brain’s] organization. Oh you Materialist!” he mocked himself. In a day when a gentleman’s character had to be above reproach, Darwin’s notes had a furtive ring. None of that could become known—yet. The rich careerist—admitted to the prestigious Athenaeum Club in 1838 and the Royal Society in 1839—had too much to lose.

As a sporting gent from the shires, Darwin queried breeders about the way they changed domestic dogs and fancy pigeons by spotting slight variations and accentuating them through breeding. But he only saw the complete congruity between the way nature operated and the way fanciers produced new breeds upon reading the economist Thomas Malthus’s Essay on the Principle of Population in September 1838. That was a seminal moment—even if Malthusian ideas had long permeated his Whig circle. Darwin was living through a workhouse revolution. Malthus had said that there would always be too many mouths to feed—population increases geometrically, whereas food production rises arithmetically—and that charity was useless. So the Whigs had passed a Malthusian Poor Law in 1834 and were incarcerating sick paupers in workhouses (separating men from women to stop them from breeding). Darwin’s dining companion Harriet Martineau (whom many expected to marry his brother, Erasmus), was the Whigs’ poor law propagandist. (Her novelistic Malthusian pamphlets had been sent to Darwin while he was on the Beagle.) Darwin realized that population explosions would lead to a struggle for resources and that the ensuing competition would weed out the unfit. It was an idea he now applied to nature (he had previously thought that animal populations remained stable in the wild). Darwin called his modified Malthusian mechanism “natural selection.” Nature was equally uncharitable, went the argument: overpopulated, it experienced a fierce struggle, and from all manner of chance variations, good and bad, the best, “the surviving one of ten thousand trials,” won out, endured, and thus passed on its improved trait. That was the way a species kept pace with the Lyellian evolution of Earth.

Darwin was a born list maker. In 1838 he even totted up the pros and cons of taking a wife—and married his cousin Emma Wedgwood (1808–96) in 1839. He rashly confided his thoughts on evolution, evidently shocking her. By now, Darwin accepted the notion that even mental traits and instincts were randomly varying, that they were the stuff for selection. But he saw from Emma’s reaction that he must publicly camouflage his views. Although the randomness and destructiveness of his evolutionary system—with thousands dying so that the “fittest” might survive—left little room for a personally operating benign deity, Darwin still believed that God was the ultimate lawgiver of the universe. In 1839 he shut his last major evolution notebook, his theory largely complete.

The Squire Naturalist In Downe

Darwin drafted a 35-page sketch of his theory of natural selection in 1842 and expanded it in 1844, but he had no immediate intention of publishing it. He wrote Emma a letter in 1844 requesting that, if he died, she should pay an editor £400 to publish the work. Perhaps he wanted to die first. In 1842, Darwin, increasingly shunning society, had moved the family to the isolated village of Downe, in Kent, at the “extreme edge of [the] world.” (It was in fact only 16 miles [26 km] from central London.) Here, living in a former parsonage, Down House, he emulated the lifestyle of his clerical friends. Fearing prying eyes, he even lowered the road outside his house. His seclusion was complete: from now on he ran his days like clockwork, with set periods for walking, napping, reading, and nightly backgammon. He fulfilled his parish responsibilities, eventually helping to run the local Coal and Clothing Club for the labourers. His work hours were given over to bees, flowers, and barnacles and to his books on coral reefs and South American geology, three of which in 1842–46 secured his reputation as a career geologist.

He rarely mentioned his secret. When he did, notably to the Kew Gardens botanist Joseph Dalton Hooker, Darwin said that believing in evolution was “like confessing a murder.” The analogy with that capital offense was not so strange: seditious atheists were using evolution as part of their weaponry against Anglican oppression and were being jailed for blasphemy. Darwin, nervous and nauseous, trying spas and quack remedies (even tying plate batteries to his heaving stomach), understood the conservative clerical morality. He was sensitive to the offense he might cause. He was also immensely wealthy: by the late 1840s the Darwins had £80,000 invested; he was an absentee landlord of two large Lincolnshire farms; and in the 1850s he plowed tens of thousands of pounds into railway shares. Even though his theory, with its capitalist and meritocratic emphasis, was quite unlike anything touted by the radicals and rioters, those turbulent years were no time to break cover.

From 1846 to 1854, Darwin added to his credibility as an expert on species by pursuing a detailed study of all known barnacles. Intrigued by their sexual differentiation, he discovered that some females had tiny degenerate males clinging to them. That sparked his interest in the evolution of diverging male and female forms from an original hermaphrodite creature. Four monographs on such an obscure group made him a world expert and gained him the Royal Society’s Royal Medal in 1853. No longer could he be dismissed as a speculator on biological matters.

On The Origin Of Species

England became quieter and more prosperous in the 1850s, and by mid-decade the professionals were taking over, instituting exams and establishing a meritocracy. The changing social composition of science—typified by the rise of the freethinking biologist Thomas Henry Huxley—promised a better reception for Darwin. Huxley, the philosopher Herbert Spencer, and other outsiders were opting for a secular nature in the rationalist Westminster Review and deriding the influence of “parsondom.” Darwin had himself lost the last shreds of his belief in Christianity with the tragic death of his oldest daughter, Annie, from typhoid in 1851.

Charles Darwin: On the Origin of Species

Title page of the 1859 edition of Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species.

Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. (digital file no. 3b16392)

The world was becoming safer for Darwin and his theory: mid-Victorian England was stabler than the “hungry Thirties” or turbulent 1840s. In 1854 he solved his last major problem, the forking of genera to produce new evolutionary branches. He used an industrial analogy familiar from the Wedgwood factories, the division of labour: competition in nature’s overcrowded marketplace would favour variants that could exploit different aspects of a niche. Species would diverge on the spot, like tradesmen in the same tenement. Through 1855 Darwin experimented with seeds in seawater, to prove that they could survive ocean crossings to start the process of speciation on islands. Then he kept fancy pigeons, to see if the chicks were more like the ancestral rock dove than their own bizarre parents. Darwin perfected his analogy of natural selection with the fancier’s “artificial selection,” as he called it. He was preparing his rhetorical strategy, ready to present his theory.

After speaking to Huxley and Hooker at Downe in April 1856, Darwin began writing a triple-volume book, tentatively called Natural Selection, which was designed to crush the opposition with a welter of facts. Darwin now had immense scientific and social authority, and his place in the parish was assured when he was sworn in as a justice of the peace in 1857. Encouraged by Lyell, Darwin continued writing through the birth of his 10th and last child, Charles Waring Darwin (born in 1856, when Emma was 48), who was developmentally disabled. Whereas in the 1830s Darwin had thought that species remained perfectly adapted until the environment changed, he now believed that every new variation was imperfect, and that perpetual struggle was the rule. He also explained the evolution of sterile worker bees in 1857. Those could not be selected because they did not breed, so he opted for “family” selection (kin selection, as it is known today): the whole colony benefited from their retention.

Darwin had finished a quarter of a million words by June 18, 1858. That day he received a letter from Alfred Russel Wallace, an English socialist and specimen collector working in the Malay Archipelago, sketching a similar-looking theory. Darwin, fearing loss of priority, accepted Lyell’s and Hooker’s solution: they read joint extracts from Darwin’s and Wallace’s works at the Linnean Society on July 1, 1858. Darwin was away, sick, grieving for his tiny son who had died from scarlet fever, and thus he missed the first public presentation of the theory of natural selection. It was an absenteeism that would mark his later years.

Darwin hastily began an “abstract” of Natural Selection, which grew into a more-accessible book, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life. Suffering from a terrible bout of nausea, Darwin, now 50, was secreted away at a spa on the desolate Yorkshire moors when the book was sold to the trade on November 22, 1859. He still feared the worst and sent copies to the experts with self-effacing letters (“how you will long to crucify me alive”). It was like “living in Hell,” he said about those months.

The book did distress his Cambridge patrons, but they were marginal to science now. However, radical Dissenters were sympathetic, as were the rising London biologists and geologists, even if few actually adopted Darwin’s cost-benefit approach to nature. The newspapers drew the one conclusion that Darwin had specifically avoided: that humans had evolved from apes, and that Darwin was denying mankind’s immortality. A sensitive Darwin, making no personal appearances, let Huxley, by now a good friend, manage that part of the debate. The pugnacious Huxley, who loved public argument as much as Darwin loathed it, had his own reasons for taking up the cause, and did so with enthusiasm. He wrote three reviews of Origin of Species, defended human evolution at the Oxford meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1860 (when Bishop Samuel Wilberforce jokingly asked whether the apes were on Huxley’s grandmother’s or grandfather’s side), and published his own book on human evolution, Evidence as to Man’s Place in Nature (1863). What Huxley championed was Darwin’s evolutionary naturalism, his nonmiraculous assumptions, which pushed biological science into previously taboo areas and increased the power of Huxley’s professionals. And it was they who gained the Royal Society’s Copley Medal for Darwin in 1864.

Huxley’s reaction, with its enthusiasm for evolution and cooler opinion of natural selection, was typical. Natural selection—the “law of higgledy-piggledy” in Herschel’s dismissive words—received little support in Darwin’s day. By contrast, evolution itself (“descent,” Darwin called it—the word evolution would only be introduced in the last, 1872, edition of the Origin) was being acknowledged from British Association platforms by 1866. That year, too, Darwin met his German admirer, the zoologist Ernst Haeckel, whose proselytizing would spread Darwinismus through the Prussian world. Two years later the King of Prussia conferred on Darwin the order Pour le Mérite.

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